Garifuna Arrival In Port Royal Roatan Honduras

How many Garinagu arrived in Honduras?  Let us analyze first the number of Garinagu who were displaced from the big island, as they were placed into the small barren island of Balliceaux, later to  Bequia until they finally arrived in Roatán, Bay Islands.  1. How many Garinagu were captured in St. Vincent & The Greandines?  A lot has been written about the number of Garinagu who were captured in Yurumein as a prelude to their deportation to Honduran shores; let me present to you some facts:

War Office reports 22 June, 1796 that there were 5,000 Caribs (Garinagu) capturaded which included men, women, and children.  General Hunter reported that 4,633 Caribs (garinagu) had surrendered or had been captured between 4 July and 18 October 1796.  Shephard established that by 26 October 1796, a total of 5,080 Caribs (Garinagu) had surrendered and that only 4,044 were shipped to Balliceaux.

Nancie González stated that by 2 February 1797, 4,195 Black Caribs (Dark skin tone Garinagu) had been captured, 41 were slaves who belonged to them, and 102 were known as "Yellow Caribs" (Fair skin tone Garinagu), yielding a total of 4,338 prisoners, who were exiled to Balliceaux.  Version 6 confirmed by Cornelius Baptiste Sam, that a Vincentian Garifuna confided to me that, after many years from the expatriation to Honduras, several skeletons were found in the barren island of Balliceaux in a fetal position laid inside small baskets - gaunwere (this conversation took place in los Angeles, California during the celebration of the First Garifuna Symposium in 1992).

7 PRO, ADM. 1/1515, Cap. B 131a in Davidson William V. Etnohistoria Hondureña: The Arrival of Garifunas to Honduras, 1797; 1983:91. It looks like González’s account in the number of Garinagu are definite and accurate, when she attests to the number of people reported by the War Office being 10 % higher than the actual number; in addition, it has been the same numbers used by several historians. This fact could have been the result of poor arithmetic skills or the need to exaggerate the numbers to suit their own interest.  I had access to the official list of delivery, of which, when adding them day by day, it yielded the number of men, women, and children who had surrendered; therefore, the total number tabulated officially is 10% fewer than the totals reported.

Immediately after, they were sent to Balliceaux [pronounced Bahlizó], and while they were in prison in this small island with no fresh water and food, crowded, unsanitary, many were victims of mistreatment, torture and assassination.   On 5 February, the order came to remove the survivors from Balliceaux and exile them to the Roatan Bay Islands under the leadership of Captain John Barret.  Barret transported Garinagu to Honduras: take on your convoy the necessary transportation and move forward towards St. Vincent utilizing with extreme caution the shipping of Caribs (Garinagu).  As soon as the vessels are prepared and ready to sail, you can proceed with your cargo Honduras Bay bound.  You can take them to Roatan or any other island located within the Honduran Bay coast that you see fit and appropriate for the settlement making sure that all provisions and tools are provided for the relocated Caribs.

On 20 February, John Barret sailed from Martinica bound for St. Vincent, and five days later he arrived in Balliceaux wherefrom the prisoners were taken to the Port of Bequia [pronounced Bekwei], and where the vessels were anchored ready for the repatriation.

Vengeance was to be expected and it was justified due to, among other things, the high cost of the displacement of the Black Caribs and the excessive number of prisoners which exceeded the capacity of the vessels.  7. 8.  Prisoners were embarked into a convoy of 11 vessels made up of: HMS Experiment (war ship with 20 canons), Ganges (ship with 16 canons), Boyton (military supplies ship), Fortitude (transport ship), Britannia (transport ship), Sovereign (transport ship), John and Mary (transport ship), Sea Nymph (food supply ship), Hospital Ship (no name), Prince William Henry (transport ship), and a Pilot Ship (from the Jamaican Navy).  

Garinagu onboard, provisions loaded for their survival, the squadron sailed towards the Bay of Honduras.  They left Bequia on a Saturday 11 March 1797.  11. 2. How may Garinagu were sent from Bequia to Roatan?  On 18 January 1797, it was reported that there were approximately 2,500 Caribs including men, women, and children; however, the British Admiral onboard reported on the same date that only 2,300 Caribs had been embarked.

González, attributes 11 March 1797 with a different number, 2,248 prisoners onboard a float made up of several vessels 12. 13. Two months before -18 January 1797- an official registry accounted for 2,500 caribs.  4. 15. This appears to be the final, official count 16.  During the journey, the convoy made a stop in Jamaica that lasted about two weeks (21 March –3 April) in order to repair the John and Mary ship which had water sipping problems.  After the vessel was repaired, the convoy continued its course towards the Honduran coast.  As the convoy was at a few distance from the Island of Guanaja, Bay Islands, the Prince William Henry transport vessel with 289 Garinagu and 29 guards onboard, changed course and it sailed away from the escort ship HMS Experiment and was captured by a Spanish ship and was taken to the mainland Honduras in the fort town of Trujillo along with its crew.  18. 17.  It was a coincidence that Capitán Saenz from the Spanish vessel, met up with the Prince William Henry vessel since its mission was to supply the Real Hacienda de Trujillo from Habana, Cuba.

22 During the journey, there were 806 women onboard.  The mortality rate during the five weeks of the journey was at 10.7% for the entire contingent, and I estimate [wrote González] that out of the 806 women, only 720 survived along with 643 children among whom disembarked in Port Royal, Roatan on 12 April 1797.  Meanwhile, the English convoy was approaching Roatan Islands, where  they landed at Port Royal Southeast side of the island, on a Wednesday afternoon  12 April 1797.

Port Royal was the designated end of the journey. It was a well-known English port facing the Western Caribbean sea. The Bay Islands area had been the focus of frequent territorial disputes between the English and the Spaniards since 1638.  As a matter of fact, seven port maps, at a greater scale, had been drawn by British officials between 1742 and 1785. The strategic importance of this port was due to the fact that it was well protected away from the strong Western Caribbean winds.  Its deep ocean waters close to the coast, had Keyes which were ideal for heeling of boats and sufficient enough to anchor a float of considerable size. Located at only 65 kilometers (40 miles) from the coast, the port was fit for anchoring to attack or protect the main ports located along the Central American coast such as Omoa and Trujillo.  Port Royal happened to be the biggest port in the Bay Islands where 20 to 30 vessels could anchor at the same time.  Its entrance is narrow and its coastal land is abundant with the Santa Maria trees which were used as masts for ships. 21.

During the night, the British crew started disembarking all the Garinagu.  For the very first time, 2,026 Vincentians made up of men, women, and children (19.20.22) had touched firm Honduran land.  A new cultural group had begun its life’s journey in Honduras. 23. 3.  Nancie Gonzalez reported 2,026 as the number of Garinagu who disembarked in Port Royal, Roatan on 12 April 1797.  In the first days of April, the British had occupied Roatan and left 2,000 Blacks to guard the island.  On 18 May  1797, Jose Rossi and Rubí estimated that around 2,000 Caribs (Garínagu) were left on the island by the British.  A British report dated 3 July 1797 registered approximately 2,000 Caribs (Garinagu) which included men, women, and children.  The year 1797, registered 2,000 Blacks having been exiled by the British in Roatan and during the same year, many were taken to the mainland Honduras in the port of Trujillo which is located in the vicinity. At the time of the arrival of Garinagu, there were plenty of provisions left with them to last at least 6 months consistent of: food, seeds, tools, fishing equipment, rum, tobacco, including riffles, munitions, and military uniforms.

Article written by Honduran Professor Salvador Suazo and translated from Spanish into English by Rony Figueroa on March 26, 2014.  This material was translated for the purpose of educating only.

 By Salvador Suazo

In life, the name and surnames make up the first synthesis of personal identity. During the Middle Ages, people used to take as a nickname, the name of the place of residence of the natives, their occupation, their province and sometimes a nickname. Meanwhile, within the Garífuna culture, the situation is somewhat different. Initially the Garífuna names were of African origin, with their stay in Yurumain they adopted French names, finally with their arrival in Honduran lands the influence of the Catholic Church, would influence the adoption of names of Spanish origin.

With the rise of evangelization and the institutionalization of baptism, little by little the baptized Garinagu were acquiring names of Spanish origin, where the source of inspiration was the Christian almanac. Despite the changes experienced over a little less than four centuries of life under the African diaspora, the Garínagu at the ethnic level, continued to retain their names of African origin, such as: Yeidana, Bágalan, Buní, Ménisi, Yánigu, Kutín, Pandi, Bagauli, Bínde, Titi, Benuta, Siwa, Maida, Liola, Nonoi, Ña, Chalia, Yema, Maya, Chacha, among others.

These nicknames of African origin that are now used as nicknames [á-cha-wa-gú-ni, lachawagún, tachawagún], have been carefully compiled and recorded in the book "Haun damusianu: El Almanaque Garifuna 2000" so that the Garínagu appropriate it, both for their rescue and preservation and for the dignity of their own identity culture.

On the other hand, the Garínagu never used surnames. During their stay in Yurumain as well as upon arrival in Honduras, people were identified by genealogies. It is still common to hear “tibangai Ñeinba” or to say “lirasan Dumari” to refer to someone who is part of the Ñeinba family tree or to the descendants of Dumari. Even in Yurumain, the vast majority of the Garinagu did not have last names. Documents of the time show that many Garifuna leaders did not have surnames, such was the case of the signatories of the Treaty of Peace and Friendship of 1773 as well as in the report of José Bossi y Rubí in May 1797 where the list of the staff of the Garífuna militia after their arrival in Roatán in April 1797.

The incorporation of surnames into Garífuna society begins at the beginning of the 19th century as a result of the Garífuna coexistence that occurred among the Spanish in Trujillo and the insertion of the Catholic Church in Garífuna spiritual life. From then on, some would retain their genealogical identity as a surname and others would incorporate the surname of their godparents as a nickname.

Those who kept surnames by genealogical means, their descendants would adopt as a surname, the name of their ancestors; in such a way that, the male ancestor would give the first surname and the female ancestor the second surname, although not necessarily.

They are surnames from the genealogical line: Batíz (Baptiste), Franzuá (Francois), Lalín (Laline), Luis (Louis), Oliva (Oliviere), Sambulá (Sambolier), Satuyé (Chatoyer, Satullé), Miguel (Michel), Nicholas (Nícolas), Ruiz (Louis), Valentín (Valantin), Bregal, David, Pachú, Pandy, Perí, Pitillo, also include the Bull, Cloter, Gil, Suazo, Ventura, among others. Those who were baptized and adopted surnames of their godparents and / or of Spanish origin are mentioned, Álvarez, Amaya, Arana, Aranda, Arzú, Arriola, Ávila, Ballesteros, Barrios, Bengoché, Bermúdez, Bernárdez, Blanco, Bonilla, Bulnes , Caballero, Cacho, Calderón, Campos, Castillo, Castro, Cayetano, Ciego (Aciego), Colón, Córdova, Chávez, Díaz, Diego, Domínguez, Félix, Fernández, Figueroa, Flores, García, Guerrero, Gómez, González, Gotay, Gutiérrez, Hernández, Herrera, Jiménez, Lacayo, Leiva, López, Loredo (Lourido), Marín, Martínez, Medina, Mejía, Meléndez, Mena, Méndez, Miranda, Montero, Moreira, Núñez, Ocampo, Ordoñez, Ortiz, Palacios, Pérez , Piota, Ponce, Ramírez, Ramos, Reyes, Rivas, Rocha, Rochez, Rodríguez, Sabio, Sánchez, Santos, Sevilla, Solano, Solís, Solórzano, Thomas, Torres, Vargas, Velázquez, Zacasa, Zapata, Zelaya and Zúniga, among others.

Other surnames come from Hispanicized names [which could also be by birth registration] such as: Aquino, Barbareno, Casildo, Centeno, Crisanto, Chimilio, Dionisio, Dolmo, Gamboa, Jaime, Jerónimo, Lino, Lucas, Marcelino, Mariano, Mauricio, Norales, Ovado, Pablo, Pastor, Quioto, Valencia, Valerio, Vicente, Zenón, among others. Similarly, another segment of the Garífuna population, which could have been the product of miscegenation or coexistence, would adopt surnames of English extraction; they are the Benedith, Clark, Lambert, Ellis, Harry, Guity, Green, Parks, etc.

Cheryl L. Noralez, President & Founder

GAHFU

Long Beach, CA

(323) 628-5403

garifunaheritagefoundation.org

Pildorita No 80

Presencia garífuna en la Laguna de Perlas [Per-lagunu]

Por Salvador Suazo

Atraídos por el trabajo en los cortes de madera en el área comprendido entre el Cabo Gracias a Dios y San Juan del Norte [Greytown] como en las cabeceras de los Ríos Wawa [Wawashang] y Grande [de Matagalpa] , durante los años 1865-1870; una emigración garifuna se asentaría en la cuenca de Laguna

de Perlas [Per-Lagunu].

Producto de esta emigración se fundarían las comunidades garifunas de Lauba o Ibo Point [en 1872] y San Vicente o Squared Point [entre 1875-1878]. Décadas más tarde, se fundarían [por su orden] las comunidades de La Fe [en 1896], Maira Town [en 1900], Lichügü o Justo Point [en 1907], Urinugu u Orinoco [en 1907], y por último Mabügü [en 1910].

Lauba, conocida como Ibo Point, que en el mapa de Newstead de 1892 aparece con el nombre de Carib Settlement, en el mapa de Higley de 1894 como Carib Town y en la U.S.Navy de 1912 con el nombre de Caribal; fue fundada por Faustino Velásquez en el año de 1872 [o entre los años 1871-1873]. Ibo Point en sus inicios fue un campamento que paulatinamente fue albergando a las familias venidas de Honduras para trabajar por cortos períodos de tiempo en los cortes de madera en la zona. Los pobladores que llegaron a Lauba venían buscando un lugar agradable para vivir, dejando atrás Bluefields para asentarse en la Laguna de Perlas.

El nombre Lauba significa “el otro lado” porque está situado al otro lado [en el extremo noreste] de la Laguna. Como aldea duró menos de un siglo en lo que Absalom Velásquez, mi informante, asegura que fue abandonado hace 50 años [por el año de 1957].

Mapa de Pearl Lagoon, 1856-1912 [William Davidson 1980:36]

San Vicente, también conocido como Square Point [Skru Painti], fue fundada entre los años 1875-1878 por José Sambulá [conocido luego después como Joseph Sambola], originario de Sangrelaya [Sangaráya],

1 José Mejía Lacayo: La Reincorporación de la Mosquitia, pags 22-40; en Revista de Temas Nicaraguenses, octubre 2008 No 6: 2008:27.

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Salvador Suazo PRESENCIA GARIFUNA EN NICARAGUA

Honduras, en compañía de Felipe López e Isidro Zenón, también garifunas emigrados de Honduras2. Vivieron además en este poblado los señores Henry Sambulá y Nazario Sambulá3.

Un sacerdote capuchino residente en Bluefields testimonia haber visto un registro de bautismo de un niño caribe [garifuna] que nació en Squared Point en el año de 18814.

Recibe el nombre de Square Point porque era el sitio donde los troncos de caoba eran medidos [cuadrados con herramientas] antes de cargarlos en los barcos5.

La memo-historia garifuna recuerda que José Sambulá llegó a Nicaragua en un pequeño velero para trabajar en el puerto de Greytown, y se ocupó en labores de carga y descarga de barcos en la bahía. Después, vivió en Bluefields y corriente arriba del río Kurinwas. Finalmente, se sintió atraído por los cortes de caoba de Square Point. Cuando las operaciones de la empresa de corte de caoba se declararon en quiebra [se refieren al contrato de corte de caoba sobre los ríos Wawa y Grande que fue firmado en 1870 y terminaría en 1880], Sambulá permaneció allí junto a otras familias garifunas, consolidando esa pequeña comunidad en la que vivieron en una choza bajo su liderazgo6 [vea imagen].

Vivienda de negros caribes [garinagu] en Laguna de Perlas, E.G.Squier, 1891

Walter Lehmann, etnógrafo y lingüista alemán, quien visitó la Costa de los Mosquitos en 1909 menciona la existencia de dos aldeas: Ibota [una corrupción de Ibo Point, ahora Lauba] y Square Point [San Vicente]. Estas dos comunidades estaban situadas en puntos opuestos en la Cuenca, una al norte de la Laguna y la otra en el extremo oeste7.

San Vicente, se encuentra ubicado cerca de la desembocadura del río Wawashang del que hoy día sólo quedan tres casas8

La Fe, situada a dos millas [unos 3 kms] al sudeste de San Vicente [Squared Point], fue fundada en el año de 1896 por el matrimonio que formaron Lino López y Matilde Zenón, originarios de Aguán [Lawán] y Tocamacho [Dugamáchu] respectivamente. López llegó a Nicaragua con su padre, Felipe López, uno de los co-fundadores de San Vicente [Square Point]. Lino López muere en el año de 19289.

2 William V. Davidson: The Garifuna of Pearl Lagoon: Ethnohistory of an Afro-american Enclave in Nicaragua; 1980: 34.

3 Información proporcionada por Absalom Velásquez, 80 años, 12 agosto 2007.

4 Idem William V. Davidson: The Garifuna of Pearl Lagoon: ... 1980: 34.

5 Ibidem José Mejía Lacayo: La Reincorporación de la Mosquitia, pags 22-40; en ...Temas Nicaraguenses, octubre 2008 No 6: 2008:54. 6 Ibidem William V. Davidson: The Garifuna of Pearl Lagoon: ...1980: 36.

7 William V. Davidson: The Garifuna of Pearl Lagoon: Ethnohistory of an Afro-american Enclave in Nicaragua; 1980: 38.

8 Los garífunas y el Wallagallo en el Caribe nicaragüense · El Nuevo Diario http://www.elnuevodiario.com.ni/suplemento/cultural/3155-garifunas-wallagallo-caribe-nicaragense[12/06/2013;04:08:40 p.m.

9 idem William V. Davidson: The Garifuna of Pearl Lagoon: Ethnohistory of an Afro-american Enclave in Nicaragua; 1980: 38, 41.

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Salvador Suazo PRESENCIA GARIFUNA EN NICARAGUA

Maira Town. Esta comunidad garifuna fue fundada en el año de 1900. Fue un poblado hasta hace unos 30 años [es decir, fue abandonada por el año de 1980]. En 2012, regresó la familia Velásquez Solís a trabajar allí. Hoy dia es un campamento [camp out] garifuna donde los pescadores de Orinoco [Urinugu] lo utilizan como sitio de descanso10.

Justo Point conocido por los ancestros como Lichügü, se ubica justamente atravesando la laguna, partiendo de Lauba [Ibo Point]. Fue fundada en el año de 1907 por el matrimonio conformado por Justo Zenón y

Eduviges

González, ambos

originarios

hondureña

[Dugamáchu]. Su fundación se da al mismo tiempo con la de Orinoco [Urinugu].

Dominga Velásquez cuenta que Lichügü fue el único centro poblacional que durante más tiempo conservó la lengua garífuna en suelo nicaragüense, porque nunca tuvieron vergüenza de hablar en su idioma, a pesar de la influencia de las comunidades creoles y miskitas vecinas.

En la actualidad [año 2007] Justo Point es un pequeño asentamiento de una sola familia, la familia Velásquez, que la conforman los hermanos Velásquez Zenón [Absalom y su hermana], ambos, nietos de los fundadores de Lauba [Ibo Point] y Justo Point [Lichügü]. Por eso se dice que los Velásquez llegaron a Justo Point vía Lauba.

de la de

población Tocamacho

Map of Pearl Lagoon Basin (Image from: The International Development Research Centre):

Orinoco, que resulta de la garifunización de la palabra Urinugu, surgió al mismo tiempo que Justo Point11. Esta comunidad fue fundada en 1907 por Juan Sambulá conocido más tarde como John Sambola. Orinoco aparece en el mapa de la U.S. Navy del año 191212.

10 Compendio garifuna: Cuaderno Cultural Unesco 2012:9,33.

11 Información proporcionada por Absalom Velásquez, 80 años, Agosto 2007.

12 Es obvio que no se puede formar una comunidad meses antes de la elaboración de un mapa, porque éstas no son colonias residenciales en donde las casas son construidas para habitarse en algunos meses.

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Salvador Suazo PRESENCIA GARIFUNA EN NICARAGUA

Una riña entre primos obligó a John Sambola a emigrar de San Vicente [Square Point]. Se fue con su familia al sitio de su finca, localizado en la parte norte de la bahía, el que luego bautizó con el nombre de Urinugu.

John Sambola [hijo de José Sambulá] conocido por el populacho como Baba John, según testimonio de Francisco Sambola, uno de sus descendientes13, fue uno de los grandes bastiones de la doctrina esotérica garífuna en la zona, quien llegó a convertirse en un excelente buyei entre sus coterráneos.

Mabügü. El último asentamiento garífuna en la cuenca de la Laguna de Perlas, fue fundado en el año de 1910 por una familia que emigró de Lauba [Ibo Point]. La razón de su desplazamiento parece ser que se debió al hecho de estar cerca de los bancos de peces en la parte alta de la laguna.

Un informe de G. H. Hearth de 1913 testimonia su existencia, cuando hace referencia a este sitio como “un pequeño asentamiento caribe [garifuna] sobre la Laguna de Perlas14.

Por un breve período de cinco años entre 1910 y 1915, vivió esta familia en Mabügü. Tan pronto como Orinoco empezó a florecer, abandonaron ese punto15.

En la actualidad, las comunidades garifunas existentes sobre la cuenca de la Laguna de Perlas [Per-lagunu] se enumeran a continuación: Brown Bank [300 habitantes], la Fe [150 habitantes], Orinoco [1600 habitantes], San Vicente [hoy día solo quedan 3 casas] 16 y Justo Point donde aún [en agosto de 2007] vive Absalom Velásquez Zenón, nuestro informante.

El señor Velásquez Zenón, más conocido como Mr. Daddy, es un líder garifuna que nació en el año de 1927, cuenta con 80 años de edad [cuando conversamos en Urinugu en agosto del 2007] y tiene porqué saber sobre la configuración y conformación de las comunidades garifunas en la cuenca de la Laguna de Perlas. Es nieto de Faustino Velásquez el fundador de Lauba [Ibo Point] y de Justo Zenón el fundador de Lichügü más conocido como Justo Point.

¿Tiene usted alguna información que sirva para enriquecer esta pildorita?

Esta Nota Técnica fue elaborada por Salvador Suazo para servir de material de apoyo en temas relacionados con la evolución histórica de la sociedad garifuna. Se prohíbe su reproducción total o parcial para fines comerciales (DR). 19.12.2014.

13 Testimonio de Francisco Sambola, descendiente directo de John Sambola en el documental Walagallo; Facoll-Alegría Eric 2002. 14 Idem William V. Davidson: The Garifuna of Pearl Lagoon: ..., 1980: 38.

15 Ibidem William V. Davidson: The Garifuna of Pearl Lagoon: 1980: 38.

16 Tomado de Compendio garifuna: Cuadernos UNESCO 2012:40.

Marcos Sanchez Diaz 

by Arufudahati/professor Salvador Suazo

Who Was Marco Sanchez Diaz? An Exiled Garifuna, Vincentian, or Haitian?

A lot has been written about the identity and origin of Marco Sanchez Diaz, founder of Labuga (Livingston).

The Garifuna oral history passed on by one of his descendants used to say: he was a Black man who used speak French fluently, that he hailed from the country of Haiti from which he was a high ranking member of the militia, and that he arrived in Labuga in 1802.

Guatemala's National Geographic Dictionary, based on Salomon Carrillo's writings, attests to the above-mentioned oral history account: Marco Sanchez Diaz arrives in Livingston (Labuga) in 1802 navigating an English vessel under his command; his race, Black, his point of origin, his homeland of Haiti. It is believed that he was the first settler of this port town.

A stanza in one of the traditional Dügü songs from Livingston recounts: "hurala Yeiba lufanidiran habu lisanigu, ragüla Anihou lisimunure habu lisanigu" [Yeiba waves the flag in company of his children and Anihou takes charge of the rudder along with his children]. Huaybá himself, who appears in the list of the 16 Garifuna chiefs who arrived in Roatan, Bay Islands, according to records dated 23 September 1797, said that it is evident that the character mentioned, Yeiba, is Marco Sanchez Diaz himself. This very record reassures that Sanchez Diaz was a Garifuna man and not Haitian, as it was rumored. Even though, as I did my research in Labuga, a youngman told me there that indeed Marco Sanchez Diaz was of Haitian descent and that his original name was Mark Sandier and that he could prove it [I'm still waiting for him to show me proof of that].

Marco Sanchez Diaz, was also known as Muruñu, Mayuru or Tata Marco, possessed special supernatural attributes, "he miraculously cleansed the new settlement getting rid off plagues, until he put an end to poisonous animals which interfered with the daily lives of the settlers". He was known for being an excellent Buyei. He was always seen in the company of Jose Maximo "Masi" Castillo and Profelio Baltazar.

An elderly Garifuna man, Gusunaugatina, who lived in Labuga for a while, told me that Marco Sanchez Diaz's Garifuna name was Maruñu and not Mayuru, as he was and continues to be known by the town's people. I was fascinated by the fact that the term "Mayuru" comes from the military word "Major of the army", a military rank that never existed in the General Captaincy of the Kingdowm of Guatemala. This rank was not even used among the other exiled Garinagu who arrived in Roatan in 1797. The name Yeiba was recorded in reference to Captain Huaybá in the official documents signed where other Garifuna leaders were listed on 23 September, 1797. It appears that Marco Sanchez Diaz finally decided to settle in Livingston in 1816 once the Guatemalan Consular Office decides to take the necessary steps to bring "Blacks from Trujillo and Omoa region", to whom land parcels were awarded along to the Golfo Dulce Lagoon.  This was a move made to avoid the practice of smuggling and to prevent the enemy of the State from establishing settlements there.  I am assuming that Sanchez Diaz could have arrived in this beautiful region at the age of 49; this according to the record checked from the official list dated 16 October, 1797.  

Due to their devotion and commitment to the development of the young republic, Garinagu from Guatemala, are granted their citizenship during the well-known Central American Proclamation of Independence of 1821. However, the unsafe and tumultuous political climate between the years 1831 through 1832; in addition to Ex-President Manuel Arce's attempt to regain power, Captain Huaybá and his people decided to flee to Belize.  This is also concurs with the time of the arrival of Alejo Benain (Beni)[Benois?, Binas?] in Dangriga on the 19th November 1832 which is celebrated today as the Nineteenth of November Garifuna Settlement Day.  Mr. Garcia Granados can attest to the migration of Labugana to Belize when he informed that "in 1834, as he arrived in Livingston, he only found two or three families living there [because] the mojority of them had fled to the Carib Town of [Stann Creek, today Dangriga] and to Punta Gorda in Belize, immediately after the life-changing event of the wars for independence which transpired in 1832.

In spite of the political upheaval prevailing in the region during that decade, the Central American government ackowledged and valued the contribution of Garinagu towards the development of the Republic of Guatemala, several attempts were made to try to entice them to come back from Belize to Honduras and Guatemala. Marcos Montero, Political chief and Arms Commander of the port of Livingston, was sent to Belize to try to persuade Garinagu to take ownership of their land, as the authorities were desperate to inhabit the Coast.  Many Garinagu decided to go back arriving in Labuga on 13 September 1836 under the leadership of Marco Sanchez Diaz.

In 1860, another evidence of this legendary hero Marco Sanchez Diaz's presence sine-qua-non was when a French traveller, Alfred Valois, found in Livingston an elderly wise man, Tata Marco, whom he engaged in a vivid conversation in French.  Valois stated that Tata Marco spoke a fancy, fluid French and he told him that he was the founder of the Port of Livingston and he had served as its Commander.  We have to take into account that the majority of Garinagu who were exiled from Yurumein, were fluent in French and English.  At this point in time, Muruñu could have been 93 years of age; even though, he asserted to Valois during their conversation in French, that he was 132 years old.  [the question: quel age avez vous donc?: he could have answered: cent trente-deux ans!], which I think he was not being truthful to him in regards to his age [as it sometimes happens].  The fact is that the average age of the exiled Garinagu from Yurumein was around 0 to 42 years old.  Therefore, it is not wise to admit that Huaybá had arrived in Roatan at the age of 70 years old.

Postscript: In 1996, the government of Guatemala enacted National Garifuna Day as November 26.  In the past, May 15th San Isidro Labrador's day was observed as Garifuna day. 

This article was written by Arufudahati Salvador Suazo and translated into English by Rony Figueroa on October 24, 2014.  This material was translated for the purpose of educating only.  It is the property of Professor Salvador Suazo and it is strictly prohibited to use and reproduce this material with the intent of financial gain.  

A day like today,  but in 1937 in the Garifuna community of San Juan (Durugubuti), an unprecedented event took place in the political history of Honduras.  Approximately a dozen Garinagu who sympathized with the Liberal Party, were executed in this region.  They were under the command of Tomás “Caquita” Martínez along with a confident of President  Tiburcio Carías Andino, who happened to be his bodyguard, and with the help of the local authorities among them , Pascual Valerio (the commandant), Florentino García (Waikara Free), Casimiro Reyes, Luciano Cayetano, Cipriano Estrada, Aniceto Castillo (Banyé) and Emérito Estrada2.

This crime took place at 9:00 am on 12 March, 1937 in front of the community’s Catholic church and it was christened with the name “The Massacre of San Juan” even though a local Honduran poet renamed it with the nickname “El Día De Las Fotos” (Day of The Portraits).

GENESIS OF A TRAGEDY

The Carias (Cariista) dictatorship was just beginning.  Tiburcio Carías Andino had been elected constitutionally as president of the young Honduran Republic for a period of 4 years (1933-1937), according to article 110 of the political constitution of 1924.  Therefore, in 1936, it was time to celebrate new elections in order for the newly elected president to take office in the month of February of the following year.  However, calling for new elections, it meant for Carias, to give up his throne to the Liberal Party.  The consequences of this turn of events happening would bring drastic changes which meant to modify the “class system” that prevailed.  It meant to elect a Capitalist that was committed to the people.  Such possibility was objected by the big players at the time made up of the banana republic monopolies who opposed a formal democracy professed by the Liberals and alleged enemies of the Liberal leader at that moment, Ángel Zúñiga Huete, whom they criticized for his arrogance and pointed remarks.  

The banana companies and the land owners accorded then not to call for elections and to prolong even more Carias’ period as president of the Honduran government.  This move would preserve the scheme of the dominant forces of the moment.  The premise of this move was to maintain peace obtained supposedly by the Carias regime, but in reality, it was the product of the understanding convened by the rivalry largely kept among the banana republic monopolies.

Once the decision was taken, Carías set aside the established norms and called for a National Constituent Assembly with the idea to reform the Carta Magna, proclaiming on 28 March 1936 a new Constitution of the Republic.  According to the new constitutional law, Death Penalty was instituted and the new period for the presidency went from 4 to 6 years.  

Carias’ legislators, vested to comply with the newly established plan, devised a chapter that delineated an adhoc [solution designed for a specific problem] called “De la Observancia” [the watchful eye].  This chapter highlighted article 202, which literally reads: “The Constitutional Presidency and Vice Presidency of the Republic headed respectively by Doctor and General Tiburcio Carias Andino and Engineer and General Abrahm Williams Calderon, will effectively leave office on 1 January 1943; thereby, articles 116, 117, and 118 will be suspended until the above mentioned date of this Constitution”.  In order to mitigate organized protests which had already started in the previous presidency by the people, President Carias ordered massive and expansive repression.  In fact, some of his party members and friends had to go into exile because they protested against slight disagreements caused by his organized dictatorship.   A clear example was Venancio Callejas (one of the 3 delegates who opposed altering the Constitution in 1936), he was a national leader of the National Party and a Carias supporter from 1933-1936.

Members of the Liberal Party and other anti-Carias protesters abruptly reacted to these changes by rebelling against Carias and organizing revolution movements around the country.  Among some of the rebels was General Justo Umaña, “the only man with the necessary courage and determination to scare General Carías”.  Justo Umaña functioned as the Major of the Plaza in La Esperanza, Intibucá, one of the 18 Departments of the Republic in the preceding government.  He participated in the revolt known as “uprising of the Plaza Majors”, a movement whose objective was to impede the official swearing of the newly popularly elected president Carias in 1932 whose runner up was José Zuniga Huete member of the Liberal Party6.  Immediately after this popular upsiring, Umaña went into exile.

Garinagu who had affiliated and supported side by side with the Liberal Party from its beginnings in the decade of the 1930s, “were accused of being responsible for secretly bringing into the country, the exiled Justo Umaña.; the news came in 1937 that Garifuna leaders from San Juan, Tela were accomplices. “  Justo Umaña had migrated to Belize and Mexico, then came back and landed in a boat nearby Tela [towards the end of that year]. Before his arrival to the San Juan village, he was in El Porvenir and San Francisco, close to Ceiba, inciting people to revolt; then he commissioned one of his men who lived in Tela, who was only known by his last name Bonilla, to persuade Garinagu who were willing to come together and travel to El Progreso and  Tegucigalpa, the capital, to fight against the soldiers commanded by General Carías. This event gave Garifuna leader Pedro Martínez a motive to become an active member and to expedite his participation along with other Garinagu who volunteer as guides for the transportation into the country of weapons and soldiers coming from Pavisco, Mexico, in order to fuel the revolt led by General Umaña.

Unfortunately, there was a list with the names of all the insurgents, one of them being Florentino García, a despicable traitor to the cause.  This list was delivered to General Eduardo Rosales, Mayor of Tela, who warned them that if they did not desist and dropped plans to revolt, he would immediately notify the authorities in Tegucigalpa.  By now, the revolutionaries had been in hiding in a secret place near San Juan known as Sálvame, located by Puerto Arturo’s side; the other component of the guerrilla, was stationed in Cola de Mico, Tornabé, wherefrom they would come down in the middle of the night anytime into San Juan looking for food which was made available by the villagers.

Tela authorities realized the trouble brewing in San Juan and they ordered the capture of Pedro Martinez.  Pedro Martinez was released almost immediately after popular demand by the people opposite to what happened to Modesto Trigueño, another Garifuna who was incarcerated.  In February 1937, once the patriotic group was organized ready to fight the regime, Justo Umaña and his contingent attacked El Progreso, Yoro Plaza9.  The following is the list of those who participated in the attack: Román Martínez, Antolín Martínez (both Pedro Martínez’s sons), Álvaro Castillo, Jerónimo “Chombo” Arzú and others. In the meantime, a group of fighting Garinagu were in El Progreso and another group was infiltrating the country bringing weapons from Belize.  The weapons disembarked by night time along the Tornabé and Miami sandbars [known before as Barra Vieja], wherefrom the insurgents transported the weapons to El Progreso on mules’ backs taking a shortcut which led to Toyos, or by a place kwnon as El Retiro, in Atlántida, passing through Morazán and Negrito, until reaching their destination.

In February 1937, the infamous incendiary bombs were used against Garinagu for the very first time in San Juan close to a hill in El Progreso11.  General Umaña’s forces were defeated by the Carias militia and where Garinagu such as Chombo Arzú and one of the sons of Pedro Martínez died on the scene.  Defeated in the scuffle, the general ran to Guatemala, where he was killed by the chief of the secret police of that nation on 3 August of the same year.

GARIFUNA PRESENCE IN SAN JUAN DURUGUBUTI

According to research, this beautiful place becomes a Garifuna community around 1889. Evidence of the presence of Garinagu in San Juan Tela is found in an official communique when 20 April 1891, the Municipality of Tela orders the community aids located in the San Juan River, West of Tela, to create sanitary teams in order to fight back the smallpox outbreak in the area.  This is where a Garifuna man by the name of Guadalupe Reyes took part in the Sanitary Committee of the locality2.  This community was founded by Dionisio Lorenzana3 with the name of Durugubuti Baibai. Immediately after, Marcelino Gamboa, Timoteo Lino, Claro Lamberth, and Alberto Martínez arrived and settled there. On 21 Februry 1891, Eleuteria Castillo was born making her the first daughter of the community and firstborn in the town.

The town adopts the name San Juan due to the heavy Catholic influence and in honor of the patron Saint John the Baptist.  San Juan Durugubuti happens to be the martyr community of the Garinagu due to the horrific massacre that took place there. It was an unprecedented political event in the country of Honduras where a dozen Garinagu who were affiliated to the Liberal Party, were executed by a firing squad.

Those who escaped this genocide, were lucky to have sought refuge in the country of Belize.  This last migration would bring along the formation of a new settlement which was named New Town and it would later adopt the name of Hopkins.  Back in San Juan, and in 1993, community leaders started to proceed to take legal ownership of their land by registering them under land titles.  This was a move led by Wilfredo Guerrero Bernárdez who served as a board council (Fiscal de Patronato), and conjointly negotiated through the local Community Development Center (CEDEC) under the executive direction of Salvador Suazo and the legal representation of attorney at law Francisco Álvarez Sambulá.  The community obtained their titles of ownership of their land under full domain on 6 June 2000, officially endorsed by National Agrarian Institute (INA).  The title obtained includes three hundred and twenty eight hectares (328.31 ) of superficial extension.

This article was written by Honduran Professor Salvador Suazo.  It was translated from Spanish into English by Rony Figueroa, MPA on March 26, 2014.  This material was translated for the purpose of educating only.  It is strictly forbidden to use and reproduce this material with the intent of financial gain.